Judith Thompson Dois Monólogos da peça Palácio do Fim: No Monte
Harrowdown e Instrumentos de Saudade * Dr. David Kelly: António Filipe.
Nehrjas Al Saffarh: Maria José Paschoal. Dir. Pedro Carraca

Dois monólogos que integram a peça Palácio do Fim de Judith Thompson. 
Dr. David Kelly, inspetor de armas no Iraque, fala no monólogo No Monte 
Harrowdown. Vilipendiado pelo governo britânico por dizer à BBC que a 
capacidade armada do Iraque tinha sido exagerada para tornar mais fácil a
ida para a guerra, depois de ser atacado verbalmente e menosprezado durante
um inquérito governamental, Kelly foi para um bosque perto da sua casa em 
Oxfordshire e, aparentemente, suicidou-se. “Não paravam de se referir a ele 
como rato e maricas”, diz Thompson. “Maricas? Ele esteve no Iraque 37 vezes
– ele sabia o que se passava lá.” No monólogo Instrumentos de Saudade,
Nehrjas Al Saffarh, ativista política iraquiana descreve como ela e os
filhos foram brutalmente torturados durante o regime de Saddam. “Talvez seja
por isso que eu não fui aos ensaios”, diz Thompson, “só se consegue ouvir
isto uma vez”.

Para ouvir tem duas opções: Clique na hiperligação a baixo mencionada ou baixe o
ficheiro áudio MP3 para o seu PC.

http://www.rtp.pt/play/p305/teatro-sem-fios

NOTE: To read all the article go to link or dowload the word document bellow.

http://www.truthdig.com/dig/item/the_death_of_truth_20130505/

Posted on May 6,  2013  by Chris Hedges

The world has been turned upside down. The pestilence of corporate
totalitarianism is spreading rapidly over the earth. The criminals have seized
power. It is not, in the end, simply Assange or Manning they want. It is all who
dare to defy the official narrative, to expose the big lie of the global
corporate state. The persecution of Assange and Manning is the harbinger of what
is to come, the rise of a bitter world where criminals in Brooks Brothers suits
and gangsters in beribboned military uniforms—propped up by a vast internal and
external security apparatus, a compliant press and a morally bankrupt political
elite—monitor and crush those who dissent. Writers, artists, actors,
journalists, scientists, intellectuals and workers will be forced to obey or
thrown into bondage. I fear for Julian Assange. I fear for Bradley Manning.
I fear for us all.

 

Thatcher caricature (by Chris Madden)

25 April 2013

In the wake of Thatcher's departure, I remember her victims.
Patrick Warby's daughter, Marie, was one of them. Marie, aged five, suffered
from a bowel deformity and needed a special diet. Without it, the pain was
excruciating. Her father was a Durham miner and had used all his savings. It was winter 1985, the Great Strike was almost a year old and the family was
destitute. Although her eligibility was not disputed, Marie was denied help by
the Department of Social Security. Later, I obtained records of the case that
showed Marie had been turned down because her father was "affected by a Trade dispute".

The corruption and inhumanity under Thatcher knew no borders.
When she came to power in 1979, Thatcher demanded a total ban on exports of milk to Vietnam. The American invasion had left a third of Vietnamese children malnourished. I witnessed many distressing sights, including infants going blind  from a lack of vitamins. "I cannot tolerate this," said an anguished doctor in a Saigon paediatric hospital, as we looked at a dying boy. Oxfam and Save the Children had made clear to the British government the gravity of the emergency. An embargo led by the US had forced up the local price of a kilo of milk up to ten times that of a kilo of meat. Many children could have been restored with milk. Thatcher's ban held.

In neighbouring Cambodia, Thatcher left a trail of blood, secretly. In 1980, she demanded that the defunct Pol Pot regime
- the killers of 1.7 million people - retain its "right" to represent their victims at the UN. Her policy was vengeance on Cambodia's liberator, Vietnam. The British representative was instructed to vote with Pol Pot at the World Health Organisation, thereby preventing it from providing help to where it was needed more than anywhere on earth.

To conceal this outrage, the US, Britain and China, Pol Pot's main backer, invented a "resistance coalition" dominated by Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge forces and supplied by the CIA at bases along  the Thai border. There was a hitch. In the wake of the Irangate arms-for-hostages debacle, the US Congress had banned clandestine foreign adventures. "In one of those deals the two of them liked to make," a senior Whitehall official told the Sunday Telegraph, "President Reagan put it to
Thatcher that the SAS should take over the Cambodia show. She readily agreed." 

In 1983, Thatcher sent the SAS to train the "coalition" in its own distinctive brand of terrorism. Seven-man SAS teams arrived from Hong Kong, and British soldiers set about training "resistance fighters" in laying minefields in a country devastated by genocide and the world's highest rate of death and injury as a result of landmines.

I reported this at the time, and more than 16,000 people wrote to Thatcher in protest. "I confirm," she replied to
opposition leader Neil Kinnock, "that there is no British government involvement of any kind in training, equipping or co-operating with the Khmer Rouge or those allied to them." The lie was breathtaking. In 1991, the government of John Major
admitted to parliament that the SAS had indeed trained the "coalition". "We liked the British," a Khmer Rouge fighter later told me. "They were very good at teaching us to set booby traps. Unsuspecting people, like children in paddy
fields, were the main victims."%